Tunisia’s response to this endemic chaos has been, for the most part, centered on disciplined noninterference, choosing diplomacy over active military meddling—or at least not meddling to the extent of other Middle Eastern actors (principally, the United Arab Emirates, Turkey, Egypt, Jordan, and Qatar) who have provided funding, logistics, weapons, fighters, and advisors, and even conducted airstrikes in Libyan territory.29 Instead of picking sides, Tunisia has tried to stay “equidistant” from all factions, according to one Tunisian officer.30 Officially, the Tunisian government engages with the GNA and maintains a small consulate in the Libyan capital. Even so, Tunisian military officers acknowledge GNA Prime Minister Fayez al-Sarraj’s tenuous to nonexistent control over the armed groups that claim nominal affiliation to his government, and they recognize the value of maintaining channels to Haftar. This is even the case with Tunisian officials expressing concerns about his behavior, especially if he takes power in Tripoli.31 “We are not sure how Haftar will behave toward us; he’s not happy with democracy,” noted one Tunisian military intelligence officer.32 But they are adamant about maintaining the perception of neutrality. The Tunisian-Libyan border remains mostly open—though it is subject to intermittent closures by the Tunisian government—and Libyans from both factional camps are free to travel to Tunisia for meetings and dialogues. Wounded Libyan fighters from both Haftar’s forces and the GNA receive medical care in Tunis, albeit in separate hospitals and clinics.33
المقال الي جبتو يتحدث انو تونس قررت عدم دعم اي طرف والبقاء في الحياد
كالعادة اخبار تافهة تجلبونها وتعبون بها هالمنتدى