أميركا قد تبيع الامارات طائرات F35

نتمنى ذلك للامارات وللسعوديه الحصول على الاف 35

ولكن رأيي الشخصي منذ ان تكلم الاخوان منذ زمن عن امكانية حصول الامارات والسعوديه

على الاف 35 لم يتغير ولو انني اتمنى ان يحصل وتاتي الاف 35

الاف 35 هي ورقة التفوق التي تلوح بها اسرائيل الان وهي ميزان القوة الراجح لديها

في الثمانينات عندما حصلت السعوديه على الاف 15 كانت النسخة الدفاعيه وليست الهجوميه

وعندما حصلت على الهجوميه كانت اقل قوه من النسخة الاسرائيليه

عماما الامر مختلف حاليا من ناحية قدرات المقاتله لان تقنيه التخفي تجعل العرب موازين للقوة الاسرائيليه ولكن قواعد اللعبه ثابته

وهي ان الادارة الامريكيه تضمن التفوق لاسرائيل دائما وهذا القانون منذ عام 1948 م وما زال

وخصوصا في الجو ..اذا حصل ان حصلت السعوديه بالذات على الاف 35 وبنفس القدرات فميزان القوى قد تغير

هل سوف تسمح الادارة الامريكيه بذلك ؟ اذا سمحت فاعلم بان امريكا باعت اسرائيل وهذا مستحيل

عموما لا اعتقد بان اي دوله عربيه سوف تحصل على الاف 35 بالوقت الحالي
مبدأ ضمان امريكا للتفوق اسرائيل على دول المنطقه هو بلاشك مبدأ راسخ لديها ، لكنه في نفس الوقت مبدأ ( مطاط ) أو ( حمال أوجه) تدخل به اعتبارات كثيره تجعله معقد وليس بالبساطه التي يتصورها البعض..!!

بمعنى أمريكا بأمكانها بيع ال F-35 للامارات ومن دون ان تخل بالتفوق الاسرائيلي في هذا المجال !!

بحيث تكون أمريكا هي ( الضامن ) امام اسرائيل بأن تلك الصفقه لن تخل بميزان القوى وذلك من خلال مجموعة الشروط التي سوف تفرضها امريكا على الامارات من خلال عدم السماح بنقلها خارج اراضيها وعدم السماح بأستخدامها ضد اسرائيل نهائيا تحت اي ظرف وعدم السماح للاخرين بالاطلاع عليها وعلى قدراتها أو التدرب ضدها ومايرافق تلك الشروط من تطبيق عملي من خلال التواجد الامريكي في الامارات بما يضمن تنفيذ تلك البنود، وأعتقد ان الاماراتيون سيتقبلون تلك الشروط والاجراءات التي ترافقها على أرض الواقع اذا فعلا كانوا مصريين على الحصول عليها بأي شكل ..

الخلاصه ال F-35 في حالة حصول الامارات عليها لن تشكل اي اخلال لميزان القوى لصالح اسرائيل أو يعرضه للخطر مادامت امريكا تضمن ذلك ويكون الامر تحت سيطرتها وتحت بصرها...فإذن لاتوجد مشكله..
 
الموضوع كبير حسب المصدر ضمان استمرارية المشروع عبر تمويله

يعني هذا أي تطويرات مستقبلية ستمولها الإمارات مقابل الحق في الحصول عليها حسب مواصفات القوات الجوية الإماراتية
كلامك عين الصواب
من يومين قرات خبر عن استياء في واشنطن من تكلفة تحديث و تطوير F35 السنوية
المصادر قالت أن كلفة برنامج التطوير و الدعم مليار دولار كل سنة
من عام 2018 و حتى 2024

 
F-35 development and support to cost $1 billion annually

The Joint Program Office (JPO) estimates that continued development of the F-35 to deal with evolving threats and changing warfighting environments will cost the U.S. government more than $1 billion a year between 2018 and 2024. The figure came to light during testimony from Vice Admiral Mathias Winter to the U.S. House Armed Services Committee on 7 March.
 
إسرائيل تعمل على إجهاض مساعي الإمارات في شراء F35

وأكد الكاتب الإٍسرائيلي شمعون أراد، من معهد دراسات الأمن القومي في تل أبيب (INSS)، في مقال نشره، هذا الأسبوع، وجاء فيه أن "التفوق الجوي الإسرائيلي سيعتمد، إلى حد كبير، على المزايا التكنولوجية التي توفرها طائرات (F 35) يجب على إسرائيل العمل لتأخير وصول مقاتلات (الجيل الخامس) إلى دول أخرى في المنطقة".




Reports US may sell F-35 jets to UAE raise concern in Israel
Researcher warns of erosion of Israeli air superiority • PM assures "Israel's qualitative advantage will continue" • Sale may offset power balance between Iran, U.S. allies in Persian Gulf, but at cost to Israeli exclusivity over advanced F-35 system.

Shlomo Cesana
1520504213a_mo1-433x295.jpg



Reports the U.S. is considering selling its advanced, state-of-the-art F-35 fighter jets to the United Arab Emirates recently raised concern in Israel after the Institute for National Security Studies in Tel Aviv published an article warning of the danger to Israel on Monday.

In response to these reports, however, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu reassured that Israel's "qualitative advantage is clear to all. It is reflected also in this weapons system, and this is how it will continue," he said, referring to the F-35 stealth fighter dubbed in Israel "Adir," meaning "mighty." Under Netanyahu, Israel became the .

The INSS article by research fellow Shimon Arad warned that "Israel’s aerial superiority over the next decade will to a large degree depend on the technological advantages that the F-35 fighter affords it. Consequently, Israel must retain its regional exclusivity of this platform and work to delay the release of fifth-generation fighters to other countries in the region for as long as possible."

The rationale behind the American consideration is that providing the UAE, a key American ally in the Persian Gulf, with this capability would tip the regional power balance against Iran. This would also benefit the U.S. economy, specifically to Lockheed Martin, the arms manufacturer that produces the jets.

Arad said that ending Israeli exclusivity over the F-35 would contradict U.S. legislation from 2008 that solidified the American policy that Israel's qualitative superiority must be protected. According to this legislation, Israel must have technologically superior American weapons systems in its service compared to Arab states. That being said, divisions in Washington the split requires a clear and unequivocal statement by Israel to persuade Israel's supporters in the Trump administration and Congress to act against the possibility of selling the planes to the Arab countries.

"Israel's air power is central to its image and deterrent ability," Arad said, "it protects the country's airspace, provides the first and multi-arena response to both immediate and more distant threats, enables retaliation and retribution missions for attacks on Israel and plays a central role in managing military operations on various fronts. However, Israel's aerial superiority has been eroded in recent years, due to a combination of two force buildup processes in Arab states – the improvement of their air defense systems and the massive acquisition of advanced fighter planes."



 
تدرس الإدارة الأمريكية، إمكانية بيع مقاتلات (F 35) إلى الإمارات العربية المتحدة
وهو ما يشكل مصدر قلق في إسرائيل، وفق تعبير صحيفة (يسرائيل هيوم)


وقالت الصحيفة العبرية: المنطق وراء الاعتبار الأمريكي هو تزويد الإمارات، لمواجهة إيران
بالإضافة إلى الجانب الاقتصادي الذي سيساعد الاقتصاد الأمريكي
وشركة (لوكهيد مارتن) التي تصنع الطائرات

ورد رئيس الوزراء بنيامين نتنياهو بالقول "إن الميزة النوعية واضحة للجميع
فهي تنعكس أيضاً في نظام الأسلحة هذا، وهذا سيستمر"

وأكد الكاتب الإٍسرائيلي شمعون أراد، من معهد دراسات الأمن القومي في تل أبيب (INSS)
في مقال نشره، هذا الأسبوع، وجاء فيه أن "التفوق الجوي الإسرائيلي سيعتمد، إلى حد كبير
على المزايا التكنولوجية التي توفرها طائرات (F 35)
يجب على إسرائيل العمل لتأخير وصول مقاتلات (الجيل الخامس) إلى دول أخرى في المنطقة"

ووفقاً لأراد، فإن كسر الحصرية الإسرائيلية على طائرات (F35)
سيتناقض أيضاً مع التشريع الأمريكي لعام 2008، الذي ينص على ضرورة الحفاظ على التفوق النوعي لإسرائيل

وبحسب لهذا التشريع، يجب أن تتمتع إسرائيل بميزة تكنولوجية
في أنظمة الأسلحة الأمريكية المتوفرة لديها مقارنة بالدول العربية

وفي الوقت نفسه، في واشنطن المنقسمة، هناك حاجة إلى مقولة واضحة ولا لبس فيها، من جانب إسرائيل
لإقناع مؤيدي إسرائيل في الإدارة و(الكونغرس) بالعمل ضد إمكانية بيع الطائرات إلى الدول العربية
وإبقاء إسرائيل أولوية في أي اتفاقية عسكرية، لضمان توفقها على كافة دول الإقليم

 
espite advanced and the United States rebuffing the requests for years, the United Arab Emirates reportedly remains interested in joining the F-35 . The U.S. government has had long-standing concerns that such a sale could undermine Israel’s so-called “ ” in the region, but jet’s controversial and centralized computer brain, known as the (ALIS), might actually help soothe those fears.


On Nov. 4, 2017, Defense News reported that experts and insiders that the UAE had a continued desire to buy F-35s, in spite of the United States’ repeated rejections of its requests. The Gulf country has been seeking a preliminary briefing on the program since at least 2011. However, U.S. President Donald Trump and his administration a number of that the previous Administration of President Barak Obama had been inclined to delay or block outright.




By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
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“The Trump team has agreed to consider the request,” an anonymous former Pentagon official told Defense News. “It’s not a ‘yes’ yet, but I’m pretty sure it’s going to happen once the dust settles.”

The “dust” in this case is an ongoing and complex political dispute been a number of traditional American allies in the Middle East, including the UAE, and Qatar, which began in June 2017 and is something we at The War Zone have . The United States has reportedly been working behind the scenes to smooth over the situation, which has threatened to disrupt American military operations against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Both the UAE and Qatar host thousands of American personnel , which are essential to the coalition air campaign against the terrorists, as well other and .


image

USAF
A US Air Force F-35A.

It’s not clear how much that dispute has really impacted American arms trade in the region, though. In May 2017, the United States announced plans for a more than for Saudi Arabia, which has since led the multi-national boycott and economic blockade against Qatar. The next month, with the crisis in full swing, Qatar confirmed it was advanced American F-15QA fighter jets. Earlier in November 2017, the U.S. State Department approved the possible sale of , including military construction projects to expand the countries air bases, to go along with those aircraft.

The Trump administration has made clear that and in the Middle East are among its top policy goals and the UAE in that undertaking. Emirati F-35s would serve as a clear deterrent to any in or elsewhere . In addition, they could be a valuable tool on Iranian air defense networks and other capabilities during even routine patrols.


Instead, it is the U.S. government’s policy of doing everything in its power to maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge that seems to be the real issue keeping the UAE locked out of the F-35 program. Enshrined , the United States has an obligation to make sure that arms sales do not degrade Israeli military superiority over its neighbors, regardless of their relationship with the government in Jerusalem.

“The way our policy works now is Israel versus all other Arab countries,” Danny Sebright, president of the U.S.-UAE Business Council, a Washington, D.C.-based lobby group, told Defense News. “But they have no negative intentions toward the Israelis and don’t see themselves going to war with them. And as such, they don’t want decisions being held up based on how other Arab countries may affect Israel’s QME.”

In this case, Israel may be increasingly inclined to agree for both political and technical reasons. The UAE shares a number of foreign policy objectives, especially with regards to Iran.

In addition, Emirati forces routinely take part and other against Islamist extremists. And though it does , the government in Abu Dhabi has cultivated increasingly military relations with the country and participates in training exercises with Israel Defense Force (IDF) personnel . In March 2017, the Israeli Air Force sent personnel to Greece to join their Greek, Italian, American, and UAE counterparts for an aerial drill called Iniohos 2017, as seen in the video above.

But what might finally convince Israel and its political allies in the United States to finally let the UAE into the F-35 club is the IDF’s own unique relationship with the jet. In May 2017, the Israeli Air Force revealed it would be getting a test bed to help develop its own future modifications and upgrades largely independent of the global program’s management. On top of that, Israel is the only country to have secured the rights to conduct its own depot level maintenance, including on engine and airframe components, within the country.

image

IAF
One of Israel's production-standard F-35I aircraft


This means that Israelis F-35Is can operate independently of that the U.S. military, manufacturer Lockheed Martin, and various third party countries are establishing to support other foreign Joint Strike Fighter operators. Most importantly, Israel’s aircraft will not be dependent on software updates, and the additional , that will come through the ALIS cloud-based computer network.

At present, the system acts as a loading point for a wide array of data, including both maintenance information about the plane’s figurative “health” and mission planning packages, which include route mapping and the positions of potential threats or hazards. Major patches to the underlying software go into the aircraft the same way. In October 2017, the U.S. Government Accountability Office released a damning report detailing continued issues , which was resulting in more than 20 percent of jets sitting on the ground in a non-flyable condition at any one time just due to a lack of appropriate spare parts.

Israel secured its unique arrangement with Lockheed Martin, which may even revival the level of technical information sharing between the company and the U.S. government, after stressing concerns about what would happen if it from this network during a conflict. There is also a fear that ALIS’ centralized nature makes it especially vulnerable to potentially devastating cyber attacks, which you can read more about .


“The ingenious, automated ALIS system that Lockheed Martin has built will be very efficient and cost-effective,” one unnamed Israeli Air Force officer told Defense News in 2016. “But the only downfall is that it was built for countries that don’t have missiles falling on them.”

image

IAF
Two of the Israeli Air Force's F-35Is.

Lockheed Martin has not extended this level of access to the F-35's design and its system architecture to any other country, including stable and reliable American allies such as the United Kingdom and Australia. It seems unlikely that the UAE would be able to extricate itself from the larger online and physical support networks.


As such, if the geopolitical environment in the Middle East were to change dramatically, pitting Israel and the UAE against each other for some reason, it would likely be far easier for the United States to limit the latter country’s ability to use its F-35s. The U.S. government could quickly halt access to vital software updates and logistics support or even launch an active cyber attack on the ALIS terminals in the Emirates to try and disable the aircraft or certain core functions.

اذا حصلت مواجهة مواجهة لاي سبب كان بين الامارات واسرائيل فان الولايات المتحدة تستطيع ببساطة ايقاف تحديث السوفتوير وايقاف الدعم وتستطيع القيام بهجوم الكتروني على ALIS terminals وتحطيم الوظائف الاساسية للطائرات الاماراتية


To be sure, the United States does have export controls in place regarding existing types of military aircraft it allows companies to export around the world, but none offer the same potential ability to have an instantaneous impact on a foreign power's ability to continue operations. The Iranian government has shown how it is possible to circumvent such measures, as well, developing an extensive enterprise to and to keep various aging fighter jets in the air, most notably of . Of course, how capable those planes would actually be in an conflict against an opponent with even just new fourth generation aircraft, especially advanced designs such as or , is also debatable.

Of course, allowing the UAE to join the Joint Strike Fighter program would also undoubtedly prompt renewed requests from other potentially controversial American partners, both inside the Middle East and elsewhere, . The same technical issues and possible fail-safes would apply to any of those sales, though.


image

USAF
Two of F-35Is, still wearing US military markings, head home to Israel for formal delivery in December 2016.

If a sale to the UAE did open up the door for an entire new tier of potential F-35 customers, Lockheed Martin could decide to create new, reduced capability “export” version of both ALIS and the aircraft’s on board software. To be sure, the jet’s low-observable features would offer a significant leap in capability for many countries, but with neutered weapon, sensor, and , its actual warfighting ability could be .

The U.S. Air Force and Marine Corps are already facing criticism about just how “ ” their jets are in reality in light of software delays and . Compared to older fighter jet designs, the complicated, sensitive, and highly-controlled nature of the F-35 design means it would be much harder for a country to decide to break ties with Lockheed Martin and seek out a both willing and able third party company to take over supporting and upgrading the planes, as well.


As it stands now, Israel’s F-35I seems to have a qualitative military edge built-in, even when compared to other Joint Strike Fighters. With and a desire to , the United States may finally decide to acquiesce to the UAE’s requests on the understanding that no Emirati Joint Strike Fighter would ever really look or operate like an Israeli one.



 
من صالح الدول الأعضاء في المشروع ومن صالح أمريكا أيضاً
العمل بمبادئ الأعمال التجارية في هذا المشروع من خلال زيادة المبيعات لتقليل التكاليف
ففي النهاية سوف يحصل الجميع على هذه التقنيات منهم أو من غيرهم

تجارياً مشروع F35 مربح بالكامل للشركة الصانعة - ومكلف للدول الممولة له

الشركة هنا لا تستطيع إعطاء الحكومية الأمريكية أي أسعار تفضيلية - لا تستطيع في نفس الوقت إعطاؤها للدول الأعضاء في المشروع

---- لذا دخول الإمارات في المشروع منطقي ؛ وسوف يعطي المشروع دفعة للأمام

بالتوفيق ،،،،
 
أن شاء الله تتم الأمور عل خير
110 فالكون جديده ومطورة + ميراجات مطورة + سربين جيل خامس .
تشكيلة جديرة بالإحترام لسلاح جو متطور .
 
جميع الكلام المكتوب هي اراء وتمنيات ولكن الواقع شئ اخر

الاف٣٥ سلاح تفوق ولن تملكه اي دوله عربيه والايام بيننا

هذا مجرد راي وانا متمسك به واتمنى ان امون مخطئ اتمنى
 
انا معجب بالتجربة الامارتية فى بناء قواتها المسلحة .. حاجه على اعلى مستوى من الاحترافية والتخطيط .. قوات صغيرة لكنها فائقة القوة والقدرة..عظيم عظيم عظيم
 
أستبعد حصولكم على النسخة B
لأنها لاتناسب مهام سلاح الجو الإماراتي،
النسخة A أو C هي ماستحصلون عليه،
ولا اعرف الفرق بينهما


يجب ان تكون قادرة على دمج التسليح الاوربي والامريكي للدول المشاركه بالبرنامج وخزانات وقود مطابقة
على الظهر

F-35.jpg
 
أتمنى بأن لا يعني ذلك تخلي الإمارات عن مشروعها مع روسيا بصناعة طائرة خفيفة من الجيل الخامس،

كلشي ولا الصناعة الوطنية،،
 
espite advanced and the United States rebuffing the requests for years, the United Arab Emirates reportedly remains interested in joining the F-35 . The U.S. government has had long-standing concerns that such a sale could undermine Israel’s so-called “ ” in the region, but jet’s controversial and centralized computer brain, known as the (ALIS), might actually help soothe those fears.


On Nov. 4, 2017, Defense News reported that experts and insiders that the UAE had a continued desire to buy F-35s, in spite of the United States’ repeated rejections of its requests. The Gulf country has been seeking a preliminary briefing on the program since at least 2011. However, U.S. President Donald Trump and his administration a number of that the previous Administration of President Barak Obama had been inclined to delay or block outright.




By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
By Tyler RogowayPosted in
By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
“The Trump team has agreed to consider the request,” an anonymous former Pentagon official told Defense News. “It’s not a ‘yes’ yet, but I’m pretty sure it’s going to happen once the dust settles.”

The “dust” in this case is an ongoing and complex political dispute been a number of traditional American allies in the Middle East, including the UAE, and Qatar, which began in June 2017 and is something we at The War Zone have . The United States has reportedly been working behind the scenes to smooth over the situation, which has threatened to disrupt American military operations against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Both the UAE and Qatar host thousands of American personnel , which are essential to the coalition air campaign against the terrorists, as well other and .


image

USAF
A US Air Force F-35A.

It’s not clear how much that dispute has really impacted American arms trade in the region, though. In May 2017, the United States announced plans for a more than for Saudi Arabia, which has since led the multi-national boycott and economic blockade against Qatar. The next month, with the crisis in full swing, Qatar confirmed it was advanced American F-15QA fighter jets. Earlier in November 2017, the U.S. State Department approved the possible sale of , including military construction projects to expand the countries air bases, to go along with those aircraft.

The Trump administration has made clear that and in the Middle East are among its top policy goals and the UAE in that undertaking. Emirati F-35s would serve as a clear deterrent to any in or elsewhere . In addition, they could be a valuable tool on Iranian air defense networks and other capabilities during even routine patrols.


Instead, it is the U.S. government’s policy of doing everything in its power to maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge that seems to be the real issue keeping the UAE locked out of the F-35 program. Enshrined , the United States has an obligation to make sure that arms sales do not degrade Israeli military superiority over its neighbors, regardless of their relationship with the government in Jerusalem.

“The way our policy works now is Israel versus all other Arab countries,” Danny Sebright, president of the U.S.-UAE Business Council, a Washington, D.C.-based lobby group, told Defense News. “But they have no negative intentions toward the Israelis and don’t see themselves going to war with them. And as such, they don’t want decisions being held up based on how other Arab countries may affect Israel’s QME.”

In this case, Israel may be increasingly inclined to agree for both political and technical reasons. The UAE shares a number of foreign policy objectives, especially with regards to Iran.

In addition, Emirati forces routinely take part and other against Islamist extremists. And though it does , the government in Abu Dhabi has cultivated increasingly military relations with the country and participates in training exercises with Israel Defense Force (IDF) personnel . In March 2017, the Israeli Air Force sent personnel to Greece to join their Greek, Italian, American, and UAE counterparts for an aerial drill called Iniohos 2017, as seen in the video above.

But what might finally convince Israel and its political allies in the United States to finally let the UAE into the F-35 club is the IDF’s own unique relationship with the jet. In May 2017, the Israeli Air Force revealed it would be getting a test bed to help develop its own future modifications and upgrades largely independent of the global program’s management. On top of that, Israel is the only country to have secured the rights to conduct its own depot level maintenance, including on engine and airframe components, within the country.

image

IAF
One of Israel's production-standard F-35I aircraft


This means that Israelis F-35Is can operate independently of that the U.S. military, manufacturer Lockheed Martin, and various third party countries are establishing to support other foreign Joint Strike Fighter operators. Most importantly, Israel’s aircraft will not be dependent on software updates, and the additional , that will come through the ALIS cloud-based computer network.

At present, the system acts as a loading point for a wide array of data, including both maintenance information about the plane’s figurative “health” and mission planning packages, which include route mapping and the positions of potential threats or hazards. Major patches to the underlying software go into the aircraft the same way. In October 2017, the U.S. Government Accountability Office released a damning report detailing continued issues , which was resulting in more than 20 percent of jets sitting on the ground in a non-flyable condition at any one time just due to a lack of appropriate spare parts.

Israel secured its unique arrangement with Lockheed Martin, which may even revival the level of technical information sharing between the company and the U.S. government, after stressing concerns about what would happen if it from this network during a conflict. There is also a fear that ALIS’ centralized nature makes it especially vulnerable to potentially devastating cyber attacks, which you can read more about .


“The ingenious, automated ALIS system that Lockheed Martin has built will be very efficient and cost-effective,” one unnamed Israeli Air Force officer told Defense News in 2016. “But the only downfall is that it was built for countries that don’t have missiles falling on them.”

image

IAF
Two of the Israeli Air Force's F-35Is.

Lockheed Martin has not extended this level of access to the F-35's design and its system architecture to any other country, including stable and reliable American allies such as the United Kingdom and Australia. It seems unlikely that the UAE would be able to extricate itself from the larger online and physical support networks.


As such, if the geopolitical environment in the Middle East were to change dramatically, pitting Israel and the UAE against each other for some reason, it would likely be far easier for the United States to limit the latter country’s ability to use its F-35s. The U.S. government could quickly halt access to vital software updates and logistics support or even launch an active cyber attack on the ALIS terminals in the Emirates to try and disable the aircraft or certain core functions.

اذا حصلت مواجهة مواجهة لاي سبب كان بين الامارات واسرائيل فان الولايات المتحدة تستطيع ببساطة ايقاف تحديث السوفتوير وايقاف الدعم وتستطيع القيام بهجوم الكتروني على ALIS terminals وتحطيم الوظائف الاساسية للطائرات الاماراتية


To be sure, the United States does have export controls in place regarding existing types of military aircraft it allows companies to export around the world, but none offer the same potential ability to have an instantaneous impact on a foreign power's ability to continue operations. The Iranian government has shown how it is possible to circumvent such measures, as well, developing an extensive enterprise to and to keep various aging fighter jets in the air, most notably of . Of course, how capable those planes would actually be in an conflict against an opponent with even just new fourth generation aircraft, especially advanced designs such as or , is also debatable.

Of course, allowing the UAE to join the Joint Strike Fighter program would also undoubtedly prompt renewed requests from other potentially controversial American partners, both inside the Middle East and elsewhere, . The same technical issues and possible fail-safes would apply to any of those sales, though.


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USAF
Two of F-35Is, still wearing US military markings, head home to Israel for formal delivery in December 2016.

If a sale to the UAE did open up the door for an entire new tier of potential F-35 customers, Lockheed Martin could decide to create new, reduced capability “export” version of both ALIS and the aircraft’s on board software. To be sure, the jet’s low-observable features would offer a significant leap in capability for many countries, but with neutered weapon, sensor, and , its actual warfighting ability could be .

The U.S. Air Force and Marine Corps are already facing criticism about just how “ ” their jets are in reality in light of software delays and . Compared to older fighter jet designs, the complicated, sensitive, and highly-controlled nature of the F-35 design means it would be much harder for a country to decide to break ties with Lockheed Martin and seek out a both willing and able third party company to take over supporting and upgrading the planes, as well.


As it stands now, Israel’s F-35I seems to have a qualitative military edge built-in, even when compared to other Joint Strike Fighters. With and a desire to , the United States may finally decide to acquiesce to the UAE’s requests on the understanding that no Emirati Joint Strike Fighter would ever really look or operate like an Israeli one.




يعني اكو زر يوقعلك الطيارة
 
الامارات لم ترفض عروض التايفون و الرافال من فراغ، بل من أجل أمتياز يستحق الصبر كونها ستكون بأذن الله أول دولة عربية تشغل مقاتلات الجيل الخامس، ملفات الظغط كثيرة و فعلياً القوات الجوية الأمريكية تدعم هذه الخطوات، وأعتقد أن هذا عامل مهم و يعزز من الإحتمالات، عمار يادار زايد !!


* لنأمل ذالك وزيارة سيدي صاحب السمو الشيخ محمد بن زايد لواشنطن ستكون نقطة مهمة في مشوار المفاوضات

* هناك أسماء كبيرة في سلاح الجو الأمريكي خصوصا الجنرال James Holmes ، الجنرال Stephen Wilson و قائد سلاح الجو الأمريكي الجنرال David Goldfein يقومون بدعم حصول الUAEAF للF-35 , هذا الدعم لايتمثل بعملية الموافقة كون لاسلطة لهاؤلاء الآفراد لكن بالنظرة الفنية والجاهزية والقدرة على إستيعاب الطائرة.

* يتوقع لقاعدة الظفرة ولسلاح الجو الإماراتي وإن سارت الأمور بشكل جيد بإن تستقبل الF-35 لتشارك في تمرين ATLC بين شهري أكتوبر وديسمبر من هذا العام بمشاركة كل من الولايات المتحدة ، فرنسا ، المملكة المتحدة ، إيطاليا ، اليونان ، بلجيكا و كوريا الجنوبية.
 
التعديل الأخير:
طائرة فذة قدمت نتائج رائعة وهي بالكاد IOC .. عند استحقاقات تطويرها القادمة ستكون فتاكة اكثر واكثر ( وهي مصممة بكونسبت الUPGRADE منذ التصميم الاولي )


F-35-deployment.jpg


الامر الآخر .. تعجبني جدا العقلية الاماراتية في انتقاء الاسلحة النوعية .. وكيفية دمجها واسناد الادوار لها ..


اما على الصعيد الصناعي والدمج والاضافة .. قطاع التصنيع الدفاعي في الامارات يستحق ان يدخل في برنامج بهذا المستوى ( الاشارة على الاستعداد لتبني برامج معقده كبرنامج جيل خامس قد تم اعلانه بالفعل بالشراكة بين الامارات وروسيا - شركة ميج - واتمنى النجاح للمساعي الاماراتية )
 
espite advanced and the United States rebuffing the requests for years, the United Arab Emirates reportedly remains interested in joining the F-35 . The U.S. government has had long-standing concerns that such a sale could undermine Israel’s so-called “ ” in the region, but jet’s controversial and centralized computer brain, known as the (ALIS), might actually help soothe those fears.


On Nov. 4, 2017, Defense News reported that experts and insiders that the UAE had a continued desire to buy F-35s, in spite of the United States’ repeated rejections of its requests. The Gulf country has been seeking a preliminary briefing on the program since at least 2011. However, U.S. President Donald Trump and his administration a number of that the previous Administration of President Barak Obama had been inclined to delay or block outright.




By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
By Tyler RogowayPosted in
By Joseph TrevithickPosted in
“The Trump team has agreed to consider the request,” an anonymous former Pentagon official told Defense News. “It’s not a ‘yes’ yet, but I’m pretty sure it’s going to happen once the dust settles.”

The “dust” in this case is an ongoing and complex political dispute been a number of traditional American allies in the Middle East, including the UAE, and Qatar, which began in June 2017 and is something we at The War Zone have . The United States has reportedly been working behind the scenes to smooth over the situation, which has threatened to disrupt American military operations against ISIS in Iraq and Syria. Both the UAE and Qatar host thousands of American personnel , which are essential to the coalition air campaign against the terrorists, as well other and .


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A US Air Force F-35A.

It’s not clear how much that dispute has really impacted American arms trade in the region, though. In May 2017, the United States announced plans for a more than for Saudi Arabia, which has since led the multi-national boycott and economic blockade against Qatar. The next month, with the crisis in full swing, Qatar confirmed it was advanced American F-15QA fighter jets. Earlier in November 2017, the U.S. State Department approved the possible sale of , including military construction projects to expand the countries air bases, to go along with those aircraft.

The Trump administration has made clear that and in the Middle East are among its top policy goals and the UAE in that undertaking. Emirati F-35s would serve as a clear deterrent to any in or elsewhere . In addition, they could be a valuable tool on Iranian air defense networks and other capabilities during even routine patrols.


Instead, it is the U.S. government’s policy of doing everything in its power to maintain Israel’s qualitative military edge that seems to be the real issue keeping the UAE locked out of the F-35 program. Enshrined , the United States has an obligation to make sure that arms sales do not degrade Israeli military superiority over its neighbors, regardless of their relationship with the government in Jerusalem.

“The way our policy works now is Israel versus all other Arab countries,” Danny Sebright, president of the U.S.-UAE Business Council, a Washington, D.C.-based lobby group, told Defense News. “But they have no negative intentions toward the Israelis and don’t see themselves going to war with them. And as such, they don’t want decisions being held up based on how other Arab countries may affect Israel’s QME.”

In this case, Israel may be increasingly inclined to agree for both political and technical reasons. The UAE shares a number of foreign policy objectives, especially with regards to Iran.

In addition, Emirati forces routinely take part and other against Islamist extremists. And though it does , the government in Abu Dhabi has cultivated increasingly military relations with the country and participates in training exercises with Israel Defense Force (IDF) personnel . In March 2017, the Israeli Air Force sent personnel to Greece to join their Greek, Italian, American, and UAE counterparts for an aerial drill called Iniohos 2017, as seen in the video above.

But what might finally convince Israel and its political allies in the United States to finally let the UAE into the F-35 club is the IDF’s own unique relationship with the jet. In May 2017, the Israeli Air Force revealed it would be getting a test bed to help develop its own future modifications and upgrades largely independent of the global program’s management. On top of that, Israel is the only country to have secured the rights to conduct its own depot level maintenance, including on engine and airframe components, within the country.

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One of Israel's production-standard F-35I aircraft


This means that Israelis F-35Is can operate independently of that the U.S. military, manufacturer Lockheed Martin, and various third party countries are establishing to support other foreign Joint Strike Fighter operators. Most importantly, Israel’s aircraft will not be dependent on software updates, and the additional , that will come through the ALIS cloud-based computer network.

At present, the system acts as a loading point for a wide array of data, including both maintenance information about the plane’s figurative “health” and mission planning packages, which include route mapping and the positions of potential threats or hazards. Major patches to the underlying software go into the aircraft the same way. In October 2017, the U.S. Government Accountability Office released a damning report detailing continued issues , which was resulting in more than 20 percent of jets sitting on the ground in a non-flyable condition at any one time just due to a lack of appropriate spare parts.

Israel secured its unique arrangement with Lockheed Martin, which may even revival the level of technical information sharing between the company and the U.S. government, after stressing concerns about what would happen if it from this network during a conflict. There is also a fear that ALIS’ centralized nature makes it especially vulnerable to potentially devastating cyber attacks, which you can read more about .


“The ingenious, automated ALIS system that Lockheed Martin has built will be very efficient and cost-effective,” one unnamed Israeli Air Force officer told Defense News in 2016. “But the only downfall is that it was built for countries that don’t have missiles falling on them.”

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IAF
Two of the Israeli Air Force's F-35Is.

Lockheed Martin has not extended this level of access to the F-35's design and its system architecture to any other country, including stable and reliable American allies such as the United Kingdom and Australia. It seems unlikely that the UAE would be able to extricate itself from the larger online and physical support networks.


As such, if the geopolitical environment in the Middle East were to change dramatically, pitting Israel and the UAE against each other for some reason, it would likely be far easier for the United States to limit the latter country’s ability to use its F-35s. The U.S. government could quickly halt access to vital software updates and logistics support or even launch an active cyber attack on the ALIS terminals in the Emirates to try and disable the aircraft or certain core functions.

اذا حصلت مواجهة مواجهة لاي سبب كان بين الامارات واسرائيل فان الولايات المتحدة تستطيع ببساطة ايقاف تحديث السوفتوير وايقاف الدعم وتستطيع القيام بهجوم الكتروني على ALIS terminals وتحطيم الوظائف الاساسية للطائرات الاماراتية


To be sure, the United States does have export controls in place regarding existing types of military aircraft it allows companies to export around the world, but none offer the same potential ability to have an instantaneous impact on a foreign power's ability to continue operations. The Iranian government has shown how it is possible to circumvent such measures, as well, developing an extensive enterprise to and to keep various aging fighter jets in the air, most notably of . Of course, how capable those planes would actually be in an conflict against an opponent with even just new fourth generation aircraft, especially advanced designs such as or , is also debatable.

Of course, allowing the UAE to join the Joint Strike Fighter program would also undoubtedly prompt renewed requests from other potentially controversial American partners, both inside the Middle East and elsewhere, . The same technical issues and possible fail-safes would apply to any of those sales, though.


image

USAF
Two of F-35Is, still wearing US military markings, head home to Israel for formal delivery in December 2016.

If a sale to the UAE did open up the door for an entire new tier of potential F-35 customers, Lockheed Martin could decide to create new, reduced capability “export” version of both ALIS and the aircraft’s on board software. To be sure, the jet’s low-observable features would offer a significant leap in capability for many countries, but with neutered weapon, sensor, and , its actual warfighting ability could be .

The U.S. Air Force and Marine Corps are already facing criticism about just how “ ” their jets are in reality in light of software delays and . Compared to older fighter jet designs, the complicated, sensitive, and highly-controlled nature of the F-35 design means it would be much harder for a country to decide to break ties with Lockheed Martin and seek out a both willing and able third party company to take over supporting and upgrading the planes, as well.


As it stands now, Israel’s F-35I seems to have a qualitative military edge built-in, even when compared to other Joint Strike Fighters. With and a desire to , the United States may finally decide to acquiesce to the UAE’s requests on the understanding that no Emirati Joint Strike Fighter would ever really look or operate like an Israeli one.



يعني اما تشتري بقدرات مخفضة و بشكل ملحوظ و ممنوع اللعب بالكترونيات الطائرة يعني ممنوع هندسة عكسية و تقريبا منوع حد يطور الطائرة غير شركة لوكهيد مارتن وفي حالة فرض اي شروط من امريكا ومخالفتها سيتم تدمير اليكترونيات الطائرة ....
دي اول اشارة صريحة لكلمة زرار يوقع طائرة .هههه
بالتوفيق للمفاوض الاماراتي في مسعاه
 
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أولا ما هو الدفاع الجوي الموسع بكل بساطة هو جدار متعدد المستويات يحمي سماء الدولة من التهديدات الجوية خصوصا منها المتعلقة بالصواريخ البالستية كمثال الدفاع الجوي الطبقي الأمريكي يعتمد على الإيجيس و الثاد و الباتريوت باك 3 و هو مخصص للصواريخ البالستية لأن في العقيدة الغربية الدفاع الجوي ضد المقاتلات يتم عبر اعتراضها بمقاتلات اعتراضية

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الجديد بالنسبة للتصور الإماراتي هو دمج الدرونز و المقاتلات في استشعار و معالجة التهديدات البالستية سواء من ناحية الرصد و القضاء على التهديد و هو أمر مشابه للاتسعمالات الصينية للراجمات الصاروخية لكن الاختلاف بين التصورين هو من ناحية الهدف الاستراتيجي فالصين تستخدم المنظومة الموسعة أو الممتدة هجوميا بينما الإمارات تريدها دفاعيا و مع قدرات اللايتنينغ ستتمكن من القيام بعمليات رصد و تدمير وقائي معتمدة على الشبحية و التسلل من دفاعات الجو الخاصة بالخصم

تبنى الدفاعات الجوية على ما يلي من طبقات :

1ـ دفاع جوي أرضي سيعتمد في الإمارات على الباتريوت و الثاد

2ـ الرصد و الاستهداف جوـ جو و هو ما يعني ضمنيا الرصد و الاعتراض بالمقاتلات سواء بالرصد الراداري أو بالبصمة الحرارية أو الرصد السلبي أو بالأشعة تحت الحمراء الخ و يتم التعامل مع الهدف البالستي على الأغلب في المرحلة الوسطى midcourse

3ـ الرصد الراداري الأرضي أو بالاواكس و التعامل عبر مقاتلات

4ـ الإضافي حسب فهمي للمتطلبات الإماراتية هو لايتنينغ ذات قدرة إضافية على الخصوص في شيئين المدى حيث الإمارات تريد نسخة خاصة قادرة على التحليق لمدة طويلة في أجواء معادية و الشيء الثاني تطوير قدرة الرادار على الرصد الأرضي و متابعة الصواريخ البالستية و هذا تحليلي الشخصي لفقرة في خبر قالوا فيها أن الإمارات تريد دمج اللايتنينغ في نظام دفاعي جوي موسع


لحد الآن أمريكا فقط من تطبق النظام الدفاعي الجوي الممتد لكن بدون دمج المقاتلات في بيئة معادية اعتمادا على الشبحية لتحييد التهديدات البالستية المعادية و لذا نستمر بالقول أن طلبات الإمارات دائما تراعي مواصفاتها الكطلوبة هي ليس ما يفرضه الصانع

تحياتي للأخ بلاك شاهين
 
بالتوفيق للامارات يبدو ان ترامب فعلا تحسين الاقصتاد الامريكي باي طريق حتى لو يبيع الكونجرس
هههههه
 
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